KUNLE ODEREMI and SAHEED SALAWU, in this write-up, capture salient issues on the political scene in the outgoing year.

In another 24 hours, the curtain will be drawn on 2011. Nigerians will join the rest of the world in heralding 2012. The festivities are bound to be as variegated as the rainbow because of some happenings and events that shaped the outgoing year.

2011 Elections And Zoning
In Nigeria, a lot of issues characterised the year. Some held a lot of hopes for the country, others left bitter memories, while a few were melodramatic. The outgoing year began with all stakeholders in the Nigerian project intensifying preparations for the general elections scheduled for April.  The issue of zoning of elective political offices came to the front burner, as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) became polarised into two distinct camps: those who favoured President Goodluck Jonathan, who had been in power in an acting capacity, as standard-bearer and the other power blocs that canvassed for the emergence of a consensus option. The political intrigues and chicanery were carried into the general election with fears that the opposition candidates, especially General Muhammadu Buhari, could create an upset with his Congress for Progressive Change (CPC).

Hiccups In Election
There was a lot of expectations from the public in the 2011 poll. This was against the background of the widely-flawed 2007 election. With the coming on board of a former Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) president, Professor Attahiru Jega, as Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Chairman, many had predicted an improved electoral system with all the niceties of a credible election. He had also promised a new beginning but with a caveat that nobody should expect an outright perfect system. However, the poll began on a shaky note following logistics problems that characterised the exercise in a few states, including Lagos, Osun, Kwara and Oyo. Jega was, however, magnanimous to admit those lapses and he quickly announced measures to remedy the situation. Accordingly, the election in nine states was scheduled for April 16.

Post-election Violence
There was spontaneous violence in parts of the North following the outcome of the election. Gombe, Adamawa, Jigawa, Niger, Sokoto, Yobe, Kaduna, Bauchi, Kano, Katsina and Zamfara were among the states that were literally on fire when INEC announced the winner of the poll. Hundreds of people lost their lives, with thousands displaced as their houses were destroyed by rioters, just as hundreds sustained injuries. After quelling the uprising, the Federal Government set up an investigative panel, with Sheik Ahmed Lemu as chairman. The panel submitted its report on October 10 with a warning that the country risked a possible “social revolution” if the current social, economic and security situation persisted.

May 29
President Jonathan became a substantive president, having been declared winner of the election. State governors followed suit as they took their oaths of office. Nonetheless, CPC made good its intention to challenge the declaration of Jonathan as president based on the election. It headed for the Presidential Appeal Election Tribunal seeking the nullification of the result with claims of inconclusive poll or malpractice in a number of states.

Election Of National Assembly Principal Officers
The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) still proved that it was the party to beat in any electoral contest in the country. Its showing at the poll showed that it enjoyed a considerable acceptance across the country above all the other 62 parties, despite criticism from the opposition. It won majority seats in state Houses of Assembly and the National Assembly. But its dominance in the North-West and South-West was significantly whittled down by opposition parties like the ACN, CPC  and All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP). The setback became more obvious to PDP and, indeed, a burden when it fell back to its principle of zoning of key elective and appointive posts. So, areas that massively voted for the party’s candidate had to be given priorities in the allocation of principal positions in the National Assembly. Thus, the South-West lost the speakership in the House of Representatives in spite of the spirited efforts by PDP’s top hierarchy to secure it for the zone. A high-tech politicking among members of the House thrusted Waziri Tambuwal to the exalted office. However, the election of the principal officers in the Senate elicited less mutual suspicion and friction, except for the allegation that the position of Minority Leader, which many claimed was traded off to Benue State by ACN. It was believed by some that the party acted for political expediency..

Seven-year Single Term
One area which stirred another major controversy was the proposition by the president for a six-year single term for president and governors. The proposal had hardly made headlines in the dailies before critics began to take on the president. They accused him of harbouring a hidden agenda. Some accused him of trying to reintroduce tenure elongation, which blighted significantly the moderate achievements of former President Olusegun Obasanjo in office. Jonathan had canvassed the idea as part of his own inputs into the ongoing moves to review the 1999 Constitution. To douse the fears of his critics and adversaries on the suggestion, he explained that he would not be among the beneficiaries if it became effective. The official position that the president was not the originator of the concept did not end the flaks from some political circles. Ditto his claim that the proposal was capable of reducing tension that usually characterise elections in the country. Nonetheless, on November 11, while speaking in Abuja, the president restated, “My proposal for a single seven-year tenure is anchored on the need for an incumbent president to focus maximum attention on the execution of his developmental programmes, instead of expending vital energy on re-election issues, though this has been misunderstood to mean “I want additional years.”

Deregistration Of Seven Parties
Relying on part of its powers, especially in Section 78 (1) (7) (2) of the 2011 Electoral Act, INEC, on August 18, delisted seven out of the 63 registered parties in the country. It states, inter alia, that “the commission shall have power to deregister political parties on the following grounds: for failure to run in the presidential election or for a seat in the National or state House of Assembly election.” Jega had stated that the parties were axed or proscribed for being inactive. They included the Democratic Alternative (DA); National Action Council (NAC); National Democratic Liberty Party (NDLP); Masses Movement of Nigeria (MMN); Nigerian Elements Progressive Party (NEPP) and the National Unity Party (NUP). The INEC irked the promoters of those parties, who claimed the move infringed on their fundamental right of association. Yet, some observers considered the action appropriate because of what they perceived as the unwieldy number of parties in the country, coupled with allegations that many of their leaders only used them to feather their individual nests.

Elections In Six States
Elections could not hold in six states in April because of a court case on the tenure of incumbent governors. On August 4, INEC released a timetable for staggered elections in the states, beginning with Kogi State on December 13, in the outgoing year. The case, which is to be determined by the Supreme Court, will determine the fate of governors of Sokoto, and four other states. The rest of the elections will be held in Bayelsa, Sokoto, Edo and Kogi states. Bayelsa, Kogi and Sokoto, Rivers, Cross River and Edo  states have scaled some of the hurdles. INEC has conducted the governorship poll in Kogi, with PDP candidate coasting home to victory. The rest of the poll will be between January and November 2012. The polls are based on the premise that the tenure of the governors will lapse on April 4 for Kogi; April 30 for Adamawa, May 27 for Bayelsa; May 28 for Sokoto; August 27 for Cross River; November 12 for Edo.

Constitution Amendment
The National Assembly leadership raised the hope of Nigerians having a new constitution that will reflect their wishes and aspirations. It exhumed the constitution review project, culminating in a flurry of activities by various blocs. Agitators for more states led the pack, as no fewer than 42 requests were made. It was a sharp contrast to report that most of the existing 36 states were only managing to remain afloat by surviving on federal allocations. Nevertheless, the committees in the Senate and the House on the constitution review restated that the project was on course and were ready to receive more memoranda on the assignment. The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), which is among the leading promoters of an acceptable constitution, renewed its pro-activity by setting up a committee to prepare a possible working document for the National Assembly on the project. It chose a legal icon, Chief Olisa Agbakoba (SAN), as the head of the committee. On October 17, Jonathan also inaugurated a 24-man committee headed by Justice Alfa Belgore to prepare a bill to be forwarded to the National Assembly on the same project. The committee is to burrow into the reports of the past national constitutional conferences and come up with the bill.

Sovereign Wealth Fund
There was a major face-off between the Federal Government and state governors over the introduction on October 18. It was started with $1 billion. The Minister of Finance, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, justified its takeoff, saying: “It is clear that given current challenges facing our economy and the global financial crisis, we cannot afford to waste any time.’ The aim is to ensure that part of Nigeria’s oil wealth is saved and tapped on a regular basis to finance the government’s running costs, as well as save for the future, invest in strategic infrastructure projects and act as buffer against volatile oil prices. However, the governors kicked against the implementation and refused to collect their regular monthly allocations from the federation account on account of the dispute at the initial stage.

Same Sex Marriage Row
Nigeria stirred the hornets’ nest by legislating against same sex marriage. The ban on gay practice was made via legislative act. It received public applause with most commentators saying it was a dignifying law designed to restore the integrity and superiority of the human race over animals. Many religious leaders saw it as upholding the ethos of religion as none advocated such relationship among human beings.

However, a section of the international community took exception to the law, claiming that it undermined the principle of human rights. Both the United States and Britain as well as the United Nations were unhappy about the law, since Nigeria was a signatory to the UN Charter on human rights.

Death of Ojukwu, Aikhomu, Alex Ibru
The country yet lost another illustrious son, Chief Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu on November 26 in a London hospital after being on admission for months. A charming and fearless man, he is largely remembered for leading secession from the federation in 1970. There was a deluge of tributes for the Ikemba Nnewi, with many saying his exit marked the end of an era for the country and its people.

His death came a few weeks after a former vice president during the military era, Admiral Augustus Aikhomu, died in Lagos. Aged 72, he died on August 17, incidentally on the evening of the 70th birthday of his former boss, General Ibrahim Babangida. The country lost another influential figure, Chief Alex Ibru, who once served as the minister of internal affairs. Similarly, another former minister, Chief Silas Daniyan passed on. He was among the leaders of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP), which won the June 12, 1993 presidential election. Its annulment led to the stiff resistance by the civil society that crystallised in the enthronement of civil rule in the country on May 29, 1999.

Senate Hearing On NNPC
The Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) was in the eye of the storm towards the end of the outgoing year. This followed the complaints of the Nigerian Governors Forum (NGF) that the corporation had made illegal deductions from the common pool of the federation. The allegation necessitated the public hearing of the Senate on the activities of the corporation, during which there were claims of the existence of a cabal in the oil industry which enjoyed the so-called subsidy on oil.

Rumpus Over Fuel Subsidy
The most deafening uproar was over the plan by the government to remove fuel subsidy. Like the debate over the International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan during the Babangida era, the fuel subsidy saga has evoked much passion from a broad spectrum of the Nigerian society. Jonathan and members of his cabinet as well as heads of government’s financial agencies like the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), mustered resources to convince the populace on the necessity to do way with the subsidy to curb corruption in the oil sector. Many saw those ‘justifications’ as mere propaganda and infantile judgments. Critics lambasted some officials who claimed that the country could collapse if the controversial subsidy regime remained. While the government has deferred the implementation of the policy to next April, organisations like the organised labour and a section of the political class have vowed to resist the move, just as the National Assembly is yet to make a firm commitment on the contentious issue.

Supreme Court Verdict On April Poll
The apex court finally delivered its judgment on the outcome of April’s presidential poll on Thursday, December 28, in the appeal brought by General Buhari. The court affirmed the ruling of the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal, which upheld the election of Jonathan. However, the CPC candidate criticised the judgment, saying the Supreme Court failed to address the salient issues raised in his petition arising from the conduct of the poll.